Antiracism is not a threat to the state. It seeks to rectify and repair, not terrorize and destroy. Yet you wouldn’t know that if you looked at what the Macron administration in France has been doing over the past six months. In the midst of summer 2020’s protests against racial injustice and police violence, Macron likened social-science researchers—those investigating race, or discussing racism—to miners choosing to excavate a vein, whose opening could “only be secessionist. It is coming back to break the Republic in two.”1
为什么does抗拉范主义如此威胁Macron，以及他的法国共和国版？另有说明：当国家指责种族司法的活动家威胁着共和国的价值观，这对国家和那些共和党价值观有什么看法？而且，最重要的是 - 对于法国 - 可以和解的抗拉范主义和法国普遍性核对？2
Answering this last question would require a different approach, one that acknowledges that the grand narrative of French universalism as just that: a narrative, a story that gets told. It would require an approach that demands the re-sounding of the many other stories that French universalism has silenced.3
The three books under consideration here offer an approach—a practice—for unsettling France’s universalist narrative. Modern-day Guadeloupe, a French overseas department that has recently been in the news following the revelation of the French government’s有毒氯福酮农药的授权在那里，是MaryseConcé的小说的设置La Belle Créole。The main character’s personal crises—his past unresolved trauma and his present predicament—mirror Guadeloupe’s late-20th-century (post)colonial ecosystem, economy, politics, and society.
Meanwhile, Françoise Vergès’s女性的子宫：种族，资本，女权主义讲述了法国共和党暴力的沉默故事：法国海外贫困妇女的强迫堕胎和贫困妇女的灭菌。Vergès讲述了最近发生的法国共和党族裔暴力的故事，并揭示了与奴隶制和殖民主义的较长法国历史的联系。
Taken together, these books make clear the multiplicity of other lived experiences—of lived结果- 法国的普遍主义共和党理想。每个工作都抱怨与自我实现的自我实现，自我祝贺的叙事的后果：在非白人法国前学科和公民的身体和黑人女性中都有明显的后果。
椒盐卷饼逻辑如下：法国的普遍主义共和党理想是色盲，不承认种族，宗教或民族识别。如果有no place for race in the republic，种族主义不能存在。这些假设的命题允许共和国官员在义务上得出特种：那些断言法国存在与种族相关问题存在的人是危险的，创建部门where there is none。Thus, according to such officials, asserting the existence of racismis攻击“共和国价值”。通过这种逻辑，抗拉范主义和法国共和主义是最好的不相容，最差锁定在一个零和战斗中，国家的命运挂在余额中。
Yet Macron’s version of the republican ideal slams up against the reality of the protests for racial justice that occurred in the summer of 2020 in France and across the globe. Though set off by police officers’ murder of George Floyd in Minneapolis, France’s protests were homegrown and personal: since 2016, activists in France had been protesting thedeath of Adama Traoré in police custody。弗洛伊德的死亡仅供在这种防空主义运动中撑起了这种反射运动及其对种族司法的要求。
也许不出所料，法国学者在防空主义抗议活动之后，法国学术界遭到了特殊的火灾：Macron私下被告学术通过追求争夺赛题问题的研究议程来鼓励“社会问题的种族化”。与此同时，政府官员指示来自美国的进口抗防御主义的学术，4a charge based on the logic, again, that racism—and thus antiracism—cannot be French. In recent legislative debates over Macron’s proposed antiseparatism law,designedto “reinforce the respect for the principles of the Republic,” deputy Annie Genevarddecried法国大学“脱悠通，种族主义，土着，交叉点”的“强大与破坏性”运动为对共和国的威胁。
France’s universalist ideal is a narrative written to uphold a reality that it created and imposed on others.
The English translation of Casimir’s海地人：脱茬历史（最初以法语发表Une lecture décoloniale de l’histoire des Haïtiens）是一个流域时刻：Anglophone读者现在能够通过领先的海地学者撰写的海地和全球历史上的宽敞和新的方法。作为他的工作的Casimir写道：“这项研究向那些希望倾听海地人民的人来说，以了解他们所说的话。他们的演讲几乎听不到声音，因为现代世界在占主导地位的文化中对其进行了肯定，并试图让我们相信它甚至不存在。“由于原始标题明确，Casimir的研究（从法国人的法语翻译为Laurent Dubois）并不是那么海地的历史，而是一个冥想“主权人民无法归咎于胜利的美丽”。5
Casimir’s海地人does not just illuminate the Haitian people; it also casts a new—and unforgiving—light on France. If France’s universalist ideal is a narrative written to uphold a reality that it had created and imposed on others, Casimir’s海地人is a practice of读，看到，并听取其他东西：由于海地人对法国的力量殖民地的抵抗而存在的其他现实的多种。
Casimir’s focus is on recounting the Haitians’ victory over “coloniality,” a concept he develops from the Peruvian sociologist Aníbal Quijano. Coloniality, which is bound to the ideas of “modernity,” progress, knowledge, and power, refers to the Eurocentric, racialized structures of power created by the West at the beginning of the 16th century.
卡西米尔辩称，海地人对他们发明的新现实和存在的现实方式成为可能。在本书的最后章节中，卡西米尔仔细描绘了这些存在模式，从非洲裔下降的传统和农村公共生活方式中汲取，他定义为逆行院系统。这些其他模式包括农村市场，花园村，lakou(indivisible collective property shared among kin), and the family, with particular focus on women, whom Casimir identifies as the “pivot” and “axis” of the family and “the primary creators of human existence.”
This thread of discovering already existing realities, of knowing how to look, to listen, to读against the grain, against coloniality—against Western narratives of knowledge and power—is at the heart of Casimir’s decolonial history (lecture) of the Haitians. It is the telling of stories that don’t get told in the West, that are not part of the grand narrative fictions of what Michel-Rolph Trouillot deemed “North Atlantic universals,” that makes Casimir’s study so powerful and so groundbreaking.6
正是在法国共和主义的宏伟叙述中没有被告知的故事 - 更有目的是why他们的非讲述 - 动漫FrançoiseVergès的脱殖民，反舰女权主义工作，女性的子药人士（在崇高的散文中由Kaiama Glover无缝翻译法国人。作为Vergès，法国社会科学家和女权主义者，宣称，“这项研究旨在为法国历史添加被遗忘的章节，而是质疑叙述的结构。”
In this slim but powerful book, Vergès recounts the little-known history of the forced abortions and sterilizations performed on poor women of color in the 1960s in the French overseas department of La Réunion. Through analyses of articles and public records, Vergès reveals a sequence of events in which doctors collected government compensation for the procedures, while claiming that they had been pressured by French politicians into the scheme to limit population growth on the island. The cruel arrangement turned on the racialized trope of poor women of color as “fundamentally irresponsible and hypersexualized, deeming them in need of supervision for the good of the modern republic and its territories.”7
But it is precisely the silencing of these women’s stories—labeling poor women of color “disorderly,”8并要求通过生殖暴力征收秩序和控制 - 突出比赛的存在和力量，以及种族主义，并在其特殊的法国共和党形式。随着Glover把它放在尖锐的介绍中，重婚妇女的经历，他们的故事，揭露了“共和主义，现代性和种族主义的基本纠缠和可追求兼容性。”Vergès超越了重婚妇女的案例的分析，为殖民地州的竞争态势的历史悠久地与奴隶贸易开始的妇女的子宫。9
海地ans themselves engage in a decolonial practice through their resistance and re-existence outside of the structures of coloniality.
Both Casimir and Vergès engage a practice of decoloniality by reading untold stories. And both do so to deconstruct the racialized structures of power that have been hidden and silenced by the French universalist ideal.
Crucially, Black women and women of color—and the wombs of these women specifically—are central to both authors’ decolonial work, though in somewhat different ways. Vergès’s decolonial practice is based on giving voice to and rendering legible the stories of violence against the reproductive capacity of poor French women of color. The wombs of Reunionese women are the sites of the violent biopolitics of French coloniality.
For Casimir, the Haitians themselves engage in a decolonial practice through their resistance andre-existenceoutside of the structures of coloniality.10随着Casimir所争辩的是，“从1804年到1915年，这同样的人口 - 西方希望看到前奴隶的组成而不是前俘虏通过自己的手段乘以四倍。他们达到了他们之前未知的生活水平，而且比邻近的领土更好，这些领土仍然拥有并受到同样现代文明西方的。“
在这里，海地妇女的子药是基本的：他们是海地人19世纪的可能性超出了西方殖民地区的狭窄的地点。海地妇女的子宫允许重新存在的关键脱殖民主义 - 人类蓬勃发展，自由 - 进入独立海地。
如果女人无疑是卡西米尔的基础decolonial reading of the Haitians, they appear somewhat reduced to their reproductive capacity: both in their role as market women sustaining the informal economy and in their role as literal life bearers. There is, however, a growing body of scholarship on women’s political agency in revolutionary and 19th-century Haiti and the gendered, often violent terms upon which their wombs became the site of Haiti’s national sovereignty.11
Violence against women loosely structures the plot ofLa Belle Créole, Maryse Condé’s consuming novel justly rendered by Nicole Simek’s gorgeous translation. But it is much more than a murder mystery.
It is 1999 and the protagonist, Dieudonné Sabrina, has just been acquitted of the murder of his lover, Loraine Féréol de Brémont, abékée（一个白人从法国殖民地种植者中解除的人），他将他作为园丁。小说过程追踪了他的明显，无德·沃尔特，穿插着儿童创伤的倒叙，并通过逮捕散文来调整：“夜晚以巨大的涌出呕吐印度的印度墨水。”
The fractured, anemic state of local politics punctures Dieudonné’s personal reflections: he crisscrosses a city gripped by protracted labor strikes that are suffocating the port city under garbage, blackouts, and apathy. He bears witness to the decline of the urban space as foreign development transforms the port city beyond recognition. His story and trial become a discussion point for the various impotent political factions behind the strikes: the PPRP independence (lendépendans）党，PTCR共产党联盟党，资产阶级，békés。
In this, Dieudonné’s postcarceral state may serve as a symbol of Guadeloupe’s (post)coloniality as a French overseas department: orphaned, without purpose, without a firm grasp on the meaning of past traumas in relation to the present. Indeed, France and the French are barely perceptible in the novel—Haitians, Dominicans, Germans, and Canadians are Dieudonné’s main interlocutors.
除了瓜德罗普 - 海外部门在21世纪之交 -isFrance. Drunk, cruel, and damaged, Loraine is one of the few links to the colonial past and an embodiment of the coloniality of power. Her death and the shipwreck of the titular sailboat,La Belle Créole, at the end of the novel would seem to set up a new beginning in 21st-century Guadeloupe, though one that remains as immobile and rudderless as before.
If these three works powerfully challenge the grand narrative of French universalism, their translation into English makes them essential reading for those interested in challenging the grand narratives of the United States, too. Vergès’s recounting of the racialized reproductive violence against Reunionese women in the 1960s re-sounds theforced sterilizationof thousands of Native American women in the 1960s and 1970s in the US. Her critique of Hexagonal white French feminism’s failure to take up the concomitant problems of republican racism and exploitation similarly resonates with critiques of white feminism in the US during the same period, as expressed in theCombahee River集体声明。
当作家令人沮丧的法国普遍主义盛大叙事时会发生什么？或者更好，howdo they unsettle it? Casimir, Vergès, and Condé each offer stories that chip away at the hermetic, self-fulfilling narrative. French universalism is but a story that gets told; there are many other stories that remain to be read.
- Camille Stromboni, “评论Emmanuel Macron S'estAliénéLeMondedes Sciences社会，“Le monde, June, 30, 2020.↩
- Mame-Fatou Niang和Julien Suaudeau，“Pour un universalisme antiraciste，“Slate.fr, June 24, 2020.↩
- For a recent example of this approach in practice, see the#unsilencesppast主动动员的数字人文Center at Barnard College.↩
- 一个奇迹如果，最终不是美国从法国进口：在Macron的评论之后，特朗普政府将自己的攻击加剧了批判竞争理论，作为“分裂，反美宣传”。Matthew S. Schwartz，“Trump Tells Agencies to End Trainings on ‘White Privilege’ and ‘Critical Race Theory,’”美国国家公共电台, September 5, 2020.↩
- Casimir’s titular demonym refers in part to Baron de Vastey’s definition of “Haytiens” inLeSystèmeColonialdévoilé（1814）。Casimir在整个工作中吸引了Vastey的19世纪初的写作和思考。↩
- Michel-Rolph Trouillot, “North Atlantic Universals: Analytical Fictions, 1492–1945,”南大西洋季刊，卷。101，没有。4（2002）。↩
- Kaima Glover, “Translator’s Introduction,” in Françoise Vergès,女性的子宫：种族，资本，女权主义（杜克大学出版社，2020年），十六世。↩
- For a productive troubling of this notion of “disorderly women,” see Glover’s new work,A Regarded Self: Caribbean Womanhood and the Ethics of Disorderly Being(Duke University Press, 2021).↩
- To be sure, women were and always are more than the reproductive capacity of their wombs. Jessica Marie Johnson’s work analyzes the practices of freedom asserted by enslaved women, despite their legal status as unfree: “their own understandings of what, where, and how their bodies should be used, their labor expended, and their lives lived.”Wicked Flesh: Black Women, Intimacy, and Freedom in the Atlantic World(University of Pennsylvania Press, 2020), 2. Crystal Eddins’s work explores how enslaved mothers and pregnant women in Saint Domingue exerted power over their lives and bodies through marronage. See “‘Rejoice! Your wombs will not beget slaves!’ Marronnage as Reproductive Justice in Colonial Haiti,”性别与历史，卷。32, no. 3 (2020).↩
- On existence and the coloniality of being, Casimir is working through Sylvia Wynter. See Wynter, “Unsettling the Coloniality of Being/Power/Truth/Freedom: Towards the Human, After Man, Its Overrepresentation—An Argument,”新百年审查，卷。3, no. 3 (2003).↩
- 在您ogies of sexual violence in Haiti, see Régine Jean-Charles,Conflict Bodies: The Politics of Rape Representation in the Francophone Imaginary（OSU Press，2014）。论妇女直接参与19世纪海地的政治运动，见安妮·埃尔，“裙子卷起：十九世纪港口王子的政治性别地形”（即将举行）小斧头).↩