Preexisting Conditions: What 2020 Reveals about Our Urban Future

危机城市is a public symposium on the 2020 crises and their impact on urban life, co-organized by Public Books and the NYU Cities Collaborative. Published essays will be collected这里
危机城市brings together some of the world’s leading social scientists and humanists to grapple with the 2020 crises of our cities.

IT已经确定,2020年将加入少数历史级数-1789,1929,1989 - 这突然改变了世界。大流行,全球经济崩溃和种族不公正抗议灾难的融合几乎无处不在,但特别是在城市,现在是人类历史上第一次是世界上大多数人口的家庭。该研讨会汇集了世界各地的一些领先的社会科学家和人文主义员,以努力掌握2020年为我们的城市的危机的影响。

Cities, long places of density, diversity, opportunity, and wrenching inequalities, are facing existential challenges. Pandemic and the struggle to confine it threaten the urban density that has long been a source of creativity and synergy, of new forms of economic activity, cultural production, and spaces for working and living. Diversity—spurred by migration and mobility—has defined urban vitality for millennia, disrupting ossified ideas and institutions, fostering syncretism in music and the arts, while also unleashing new forms of conflict and resistance. Opportunity—for employment, for self-expression, for creation—has long attracted both migrants and refugees to cities, but also generated intense conflict and deep inequalities.

The 2020 crises have, above all, put a spotlight on the distinctive and often corrosive features of modern urbanism. Just as COVID-19 is particularly dangerous to populations with preexisting conditions, the virus has ferociously swept through urban areas because of their preexisting social conditions: the precarity of work; the unaffordability of housing; the depth of racial, ethnic, and class divides; a profoundly unequal global economy; and the failure of many governments worldwide to rise to the challenges.

许多遵循文件的散文如何预先存在的社会条件如何恶化2020个危机。“几代人的房地产市场的种族和经济隔离,”玛格丽特奥马拉写道,“意味着你在大流行开始的地方,大大确定了你在其体力和经济困难中幸存的程度。”Yarimar Bonilla,分析了波多黎各和美国政府的一般性能力,以应对经济崩溃,遏制病毒,指向“失败的国家,有基础设施,低效国家机构和群众的遗产从2008年的经济危机中出现了那些能够通过飓风,地震或大流行的人之间的剧烈危机和那些不能的人。从高潮中的不受影化印度,非正式工人被病毒和锁模摧毁,盖姆·巴汉介绍了“脆弱性”的脆弱性,特别是社会保护的“拼凑”不足。


在最不承认的和最关键的2020年前的预先存在的条件是生物和环境。从中国开始,王伟王追溯了大流行的纠缠全球经济的大众粮食生产和高金融:“我越多了解国际贸易协定,外交政策决定基于农业贸易,投资,technological change, and ecological devastation wrought by multinational agribusiness over the past two decades, the more surprised I was that a global pandemic hadn’t happened sooner.” Our conventional understanding of the virus sees it as an exogenous force that ravages urban, regional, national, and global economies. But as with all supposedly natural disasters, the trajectory of the virus is predictably and tragically human-made. It is a destructive consequence of market forces, global trade and travel, a macroeconomy premised on cheap, exploited labor, and regulatory policies that favor profit over protection. Thus, the pandemic is the result of “self-devouring growth,” explains Julie Livingston, in which the ravages of COVID are but one manifestation of a global economy that maldistributes disease, environmental harm, and poverty, all in service of corporate gain.


Covid-19已经席卷了全球最脆弱的城市人口:新移民和难民,老年人和患有慢性疾病的人和颜色人民 - 特别是非洲裔美国人和拉美裔人。在诊断大流行于世界各地的经济影响方面,亚当太太展示了Covid在该地区最难受到最大的不平等率和最弱的福利国家,特别是南亚,拉丁美洲和美国。超出该研讨会表演的许多贡献者的病毒的不同影响是过多的。它源于巨大,剥削劳动力市场的兴起和非正式就业,以及损害劳动力市场监管和社会保护的最脆弱的人口。对于工人在孟买贫民窟和里约的贫民窟的世界中,布朗克斯和洛杉矶 - 经济的配件公寓是一种预先存在的条件,导致感染风险,疾病的严重程度导致了疾病的严重程度和更高的死亡率。那些携带包裹和杂货的劳动者,捡起垃圾,作为肉袋和鸡加工商,并且更换了Bedpans和Sanitized Housity房间是最有可能生病和死亡的。在美国遭受不成比例地从病毒中遭受的拉丁克斯劳动者解释说,纳米莫利纳,“他们不露面和消耗。”

Covid通过最不起的社区席卷。那些就业的不安全的服务工人并没有被视为必不可少的厨师,厨房手和等待者;国内,Janitors和低级零售工人 - 因失业而难以击中,留下储蓄或通常微薄的失业救济金。非正式劳动力,长期以来,城市生存战略,特别是女性,部分填补了差距:来自墨西哥移民,在纽约销售拥挤的交叉口,在印度的农民工销售自制田间族裔,他蔑视锁定订单并走向距离在建筑工地或垃圾场工作。这些工人冒着病毒的风险,因为饥饿和无家可归者对他们的健康造成了更大的危险。非正式劳动力往往是生存所必需的,但它的蔓延有助于世界各地的城市贫困,特别是那些磨损或不存在的安全网。

经济不安全恶化住房不安全,也许是今天城市生活的特征。在世界的技术和金融之类的世界首都,纽约和旧金山,伦敦,巴黎和东京等地方,住房成本不可持续。这些大都市中的每一个都看到了大量涌入豪华住房和靠近其中心附近的经济适用房的消失。在城市利润范围内,在欧洲城市以外的高层住房的高层住房腰围的城市边际,在欧洲之外的高层住房皮带上,在南亚普通人的棚户队被掠夺性房东,飙升租金的受害者,频繁驱逐。在大流行之前,近4000万名美国家庭在住房上支付了30%以上的收入。Now, in COVID-ravaged urban economies, precarious workers live in a state of “emergency urbanism,” to use Ananya Roy’s evocative phrase, subject to mass displacements because they cannot afford exorbitant rents and because governments generally lack the will or capacity to provide even meager housing assistance.



由Gilles Guiheux等。

几乎无处不在,大流行和由此产生的经济不安全都奠定了另一种预先存在的条件:持续的种族和种族不平等。Covid-19的Grim 3月通过城市遵循了一个可预定的道路,直接到了最边缘化的人口的社区。在美国城市,病毒在长期隔离的非洲裔美国社区中袭击了最严重的。这些是已经看到他们的社会基础设施被多年消失的地方,其中住房是破旧和昂贵的,并且在环境危害,特别是污染的空气中,恶化了疾病的过程。拉美裔人在大大小小型城市经历迅速上升的次数,患有慢性过度拥挤,包装成车库,地下室匆匆变成公寓。他们,如南美洲和非洲的拥挤高升高的移民,南美洲和非洲的漫步非正式定居点,在印度广大贫民窟的小巷里的临时房屋中,发现社会偏移不可能。

在全球范围内的崛起中,特别是在近年来一直席卷权威权的威力,政府对穷人提供社会支持并为穷人提供社会支持的侦探。各国政府与法国,西班牙,英国,肯尼亚,南非和印度的多样化练习了Quentin Ravelli挑衅性地称之为“Covid失明”:“扣留准确的信息,这些信息可能会掩盖了大流行的影响脆弱的社区和伴随它的体制暴力的复苏。“官方Covid失明阻碍了对大流行的有效公众反应以及它令人厌恶的预先存在的不平等。



警方长期以来,州的强大扶手,定期部署到遏制异议和控制团体被标记为可恶或不守规矩,在2020年发挥了关键作用。在印度,警方残酷地强制执行大流行锁定。仇外心理猖獗,执法官员目标移民。在伦敦春季2020年检疫期间,警方席卷了更多非洲甲板的人 - 仅占该市人口的13%而不是白人。Quentin Ravelli报价了法国反舰活动家AssaTraoré,他们指出了大流行与阿拉伯和非洲移民的监管之间的联系:“随着锁定,我们的社区已成为警察的吸引力园区。”在美国,警察部队本身是公职人员谴责的骚乱行为的煽动者:试图粉碎拼影,有时候会对人群,打击巡逻车,击倒和恶化的持不同政见者,鼓励白色警惕。


One of the more hopeful dimensions of the 2020 crises has been the rise of mass movements, beginning with the revolts that followed the murder of George Floyd, by police officer Derek Chauvin in Minneapolis, revolts that turned into the longest and largest wave of protest in American history, involving an estimated 26 million people in several thousand marches. Within weeks, protestors gathered en masse around the world, often united under the hashtag #BlackLivesMatter; they joined mass demonstrations against police profiling in metropolitan France; marches in Rio, São Paulo, and Recife against state-sanctioned violence under Brazil’s authoritarian leader, Jair Bolsonaro; and protests and lawsuits targeting racially discriminatory policing in South African cities. What is most striking about these uprisings is that, though they began with outrage against the police, they seldom stopped there. In the streets of New York City, protestors carried signs calling for trans rights, action on global warming, and demands for better housing and jobs. “The rage that erupts in urban uprisings,” notes Mustafa Dikeç, “is not an impulsive reaction to isolated cases of bad practice; it is a response to systematic exclusion and oppression, which go beyond police violence and into all areas of urban life, including housing, employment, social encounters, and political worth.” Many street rebels targeted major corporate retailers, from Target and McDonald’s in Minneapolis to Louis Vuitton and Coach in Manhattan.



由Priscilla Wald.

最重要的是,2020年的危机已经奠定了裸露的多重,重叠的机构失败,现有政府,经济和社会基础设施与现实之间的不匹配。全球各地,百万是挑战当地和国家政府本身,在白俄罗斯,香港和美国的专制权力面临民主,并挑战几乎无处不在地区管理精英对全球资金的协同关系。对2020个危机的回应不足使各种权力委托,作为社会福利和健康提供者 - 在各种城市,从工业西部到全球南方,到了几十年的紧缩和私有化 - 更频繁地陷入困境而不是达到病人,经济脆弱,越来越多的不信任人口的需求。

2020年的一年是危机的时刻,而且片刻也成熟了激进改变的可能性。在过去,危机已经开辟了对政治重新思考的可能性,以便为城市空间的重新制定进行机构的重组。然而,有没有什么不可避免的结果。在对右翼政治的挑战分析中,罗德里戈·尼姑警告说:“如果有一件事是过去十年应该教导我们,那就是强烈的客观因素并没有自动转化为强大的运动,let alone into the spontaneous discovery of the ‘correct line’ by the masses.” The arc of the moral universe sometimes bends toward justice, but it just as often veers off course. In the past, entrenched problems like violent policing have been met by tepid, largely symbolic reforms, as Simon Balto notes, using the troubled history of the Chicago Police Department as a case study. “What would reform look like,” he asks, “if the institution itself is the problem?”




我们应该在私营部门的希望下,这次拯救我们的城市吗?不,Marcia Chatelain表示,通过看着快餐巨型McDonald的快餐巨型麦当劳提供了一个肤浅的公司拥抱的浅谈批评。不,说苏菲·冈克斯(Sophie Gonick)批评了“城市成功”讨论的“城市成功”,“矛盾地铺平了城市危机方式”,甚至在大流行的经济蹂躏之前,城市空置的大部分空缺。不,据称这位穷人的泰勒说,穷人已经支付了高价格,因为我们的“厌恶富裕个人和公司留下了地方政府的厌恶准备,以有效地应对当地的贫困和失业危机。”


“Detroit Is No Dry Bones”: Photos of a...


解决方案争夺Eric Klinenberg,是公共部门的重新侵犯。该项目需要各级活动,从重建社区和工作场所的团结债券,以重建普通原因和国家目的的感觉,使争夺种族和种族的有毒分歧,导致城市空间跨越资源的恶劣,振兴城市民主。

The protests in 2020 might be a starting point for that reinvigoration of politics. The rage on the streets may quickly dissipate—as it has too often in the past. Or the BLM protestors may themselves fall victim to the endemic distrust over identity and interest that has split many social movements worldwide. But, as Warren Breckman contends, the social movements of the last decade offer a powerful alternative framework for reconstituting urban citizenship. Breckman takes lessons from the Occupy movement and applies it to the 2020 protests, arguing that “the constituent moment of democracy can and should include more than merely bodies gathered in public space; that the collective voice is not discovered but invented; that the spectacle of mass gathering and bodies in motion should give way to talking and listening … ; and that, if the crowd is to speak in a democratic voice, then that voice must be both singular and plural.” Urban democracy is above all synthetic, connecting and reimagining urban space and urban identity in the very process of deliberation and the creation of alternative institutions.



Mustafa Dikeç, “愤怒和起义


Natalia Molina,“拉丁裔工人的持久性可持续性


西蒙巴托,“How to Defund the Police

Keanga-Yamahtta Taylor,“违反警察并退还社区




Xiaowei Wang,“世界是一个工厂农场







Quentin Ravelli, “covid失明

Yarimar Bonilla,“Pandemic Déjà Vu



Rodrigo nunes,“我们否认否认否认?

Warren Breckman, “人群可以说话吗?


Eric Klinenberg,“在破碎的世界中重建团结icon

特色图片:太阳没有上升的那一天(2020)。照片由Christopher Michel / Flickr